Relationship between population resources and infrastructure

Population and human resources development.

relationship between population resources and infrastructure

Teacher's guides with discussion questions and web resources are also included in The dependency ratio is a measure used to indicate the ratio of people in the health services, and infrastructure (transportation, communication, etc.). The paper based on the data of infrastructure and the proportion of urban population in Shanghai from to , use the econometric. Implications of Population Growth on Infrastructure and Resources in Regional Cities. Regional Cities Victoria (RCV) has engaged Essential Economics to.

The composition of a population as determined by the number or proportion of males and females in each age category. The age-sex structure of a population is the cumulative result of past trends in fertility, mortality, and migration. Information on age-sex composition is essential for the description and analysis of many types of demographic data.

Birth rate or crude birth rate: The average number of years a newborn infant can expect to live under current mortality levels. Most commonly cited as life expectancy at birth. Declining mortality, not rising fertility, has been the cause of the accelerating pace of world population growth.

By attacking the causes of death that have kept population growth low for most of human existence, we have extended life expectancies and multiplied our numbers.

relationship between population resources and infrastructure

Life expectancy has increased steadily through history. During the Roman Empire, average life expectancy at birth was a brief 22 years. By the Middle Ages it had risen to about 33 years in England, and increased to 43 years by the middle of the 19th century.

In the early s, life expectancies in more developed countries ranged from 35 to They have climbed to about 77 years today, and continue to improve. Meanwhile, life expectancy in less developed countries has gradually climbed, rising to about 65 years today. Initial declines in mortality can be attributed to improvements in public health and living standards that accompanied the Industrial Revolution.

Greater declines in the early 20th century were attributable to improvements in medical technology, which led to the control of such infectious diseases as smallpox and cholera. Further improvements in life expectancy are anticipated in most countries. In countries where death from infectious diseases is minimal, the improvements will come from the decline in mortality from degenerative diseases such as heart disease and cancer.

However, in some countries, the spread of AIDS and other infectious ailments is a potential threat to further gains in life expectancy. In parts of Africa, where the spread of HIV infection is disproportionately high, life expectancy has been declining. It shows the major causes of death for the United States in andand for Peru in Each column accounts for all causes of death with the top causes specified.

Some causes are combined because of their similarities. Data on cause of death should be interpreted cautiously because some causes are more easily identified than others and are reported more completely. In the United States inpneumonia and influenza, tuberculosis, and diarrhea accounted for almost one-third of all deaths. Since then, mortality rates from these diseases have declined sharply. For example, pneumonia and influenza, which accounted for 12 percent of deaths in in the United States, accounted for 3percent in Heart disease and cancer, which account for half of all deaths today, caused only about 12 percent of deaths in In Peru today, the causes of death are broadly dispersed.

About half are attributable to the top four causes: As Peru and other countries continue to develop, their causes of death may more closely resemble those of the United States today. As life expectancy improves and the role of infectious, parasitic, and respiratory infections further diminishes, more people will survive to older ages and chronic degenerative diseases such as stroke, cancer, and heart disease will make up a larger proportion of deaths.

Population Growth is Bad for the Planet, but it's Great for the Economy!

In less developed countries, the chances of dying are greatest at infancy and remain high during the first few years of childhood. A newborn child is fragile and has not developed immunities to common ailments. When a country has a high rate of infant death, it usually signals high mortality risk from infectious, parasitic, communicable, and other diseases associated with poor sanitary conditions and undernutrition.

Worldwide, over 10 million children die annually before their fifth birthday. Neonatal causes include deaths from tetanus, severe infections, and premature births. Following neonatal causes, two of the primary causes of infant and child deaths are acute respiratory infections such as pneumonia and diarrhea.

Other infectious diseases, such as malaria and measles, are also major causes of deaths to infants and children. Death from these conditions is almost unheard of for infants in more developed countries. However, in less developed countries where undernutrition is prevalent, medical facilities are scarce, and living areas may be unsanitary, infant deaths are common.

Inworld IMRs ranged from 2. Many countries have even lower rates, with Iceland, Singapore, Japan, and Sweden heading the list. Terms Infant mortality rate IMR: The annual number of deaths of infants under age 1 per 1, live births.

Discussion questions How has the proportion of Asian immigrants changed during the 20th century? The proportion of Latin Americans? Reading How much does immigration contribute to population growth in the United States? Why do people move? Data Obtain data from a library, your state data center, the U. Census Bureau, or the Population Reference Bureau on the recent components of change for your state.

How much growth in your state is due to net migration? Discussion Where did your ancestors come from? How densely populated is the planet? World population grows as a result of births and declines as a result of deaths.

Net migration is the difference between the number of people entering a geographic area immigrants and those leaving emigrants. Over time, migration contributes more than just the initial number of people moving into an area, because the children and grandchildren born to the immigrant population add several times the original number to the population base.

There is also an increase in the number of deaths as a result of in-migration. Most Americans are immigrants or descendants of immigrants who arrived here over the past years. Only a small fraction of the population is related to the American Indians who were here when the first European settlers arrived in the s.

Australia and Brazil are other countries whose current populations consist primarily of descendants of persons who immigrated there during the past two centuries. International Migration In absolute numbers, international migration is at an all-time high.

About million people lived outside their native countries in the mids, and that number increased to roughly million in The Middle East draws migrants from Africa and Asia and hosts millions of refugees from within the region. There is considerable migration within Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

relationship between population resources and infrastructure

Why People Move Most people move for economic reasons, but some migrate to escape political or religious persecution or simply to fulfill a personal dream. Some experts divide the many reasons people leave their homes for a new one into push and pull factors.

Push factors might be widespread unemployment, lack of farmland, famine, or war at home. The Great Depression — is a good example of a push factor, as hard times encouraged more residents to leave the United States than move in. In the s and s, hundreds of thousands of Africans were pushed out of their homelands to neighboring countries because of famine and civil war.

Factors that attract migrants are called pull factors. These include a booming economy, favorable immigration laws, or free agricultural land in the area to which the migrant is moving.

Population and environment: a global challenge - Curious

For example, the labor shortage in Japan is pulling record numbers of legal and illegal immigrants to fill the low-status, low-paying, or dangerous jobs that Japanese natives reject.

In order to keep a working population that can support its elderly, Japan would need 17 million new immigrants byaccording to a recent United Nations report.

Other estimates have said Japan would neednew immigrants each year; however the idea of increased immigration is not favorable to most Japanese. The majority of migrants to the United States in the past years were European. By mid-century, just half of the migrants were from Europe.

City planning suffers growth pains of Australia's population boom

The total number of immigrants fell to around 1 million in the s. In the s the number of migrants increased to levels similar to those at the turn of the century. But 84 percent of these migrants were from Latin America and Asia, and just 10 percent were from Europe. The volume of legal immigration and the prevalence of migrants from Asia and Latin America will continue in the new century.

Current world population stands at 6.

Population and Environment

The revision of the United Nations World Population Prospects presents a medium variant projection by of 9. All of the projected growth is expected to occur in the developing world increasing from 5. Africa, which has the fastest growing population of the continents, is projected to more than double the number of its inhabitants in the next 43 years—from million to approximately 2 billion. Globally, fertility is assumed to decline to 2.

The medium variant is bracketed by a low-variant projection of 7. Fertility in the former is assumed to be half a child lower than the medium variant, and in the latter, it is assumed to be half a child higher.

Consumption trends are somewhat more difficult to predict because they depend more heavily than population projections on global economic conditions, efforts to pursue sustainable development, and potential feedbacks from the environmental systems upon which the global economy depends for resources and sinks.

Nevertheless, several indicators of consumption have grown at rates well above population growth in the past century: Global GDP is 20 times higher than it was inhaving grown at a rate of 2. In the case of CO2 emissions and footprints, the per capita impacts of high-income countries are currently 6 to 10 times higher than those in low-income countries.

As far as the future is concerned, barring major policy changes or economic downturns, there is no reason to suspect that consumption trends will change significantly in the near term. Long-term projections suggest that economic growth rates will decline past owing to declining population growth, saturation of consumption, and slower technological change Here we review the most prominent theories in the field of population and environment.

relationship between population resources and infrastructure

The introduction briefly touched on the work of Malthus, whose theory still generates strong reactions years after it was first published. Adherents of Malthus have generally been termed neo-Malthusians. Neo-Malthusianism underpins the Club of Rome World Model mentioned above 9 and implicitly or explicitly underlies many studies and frameworks. The widely cited IPAT formulation—in which environmental impacts I are the product of population Paffluence Aand technology T —is implicitly framed in neo-Malthusian terms 17although not all research using the identity is Malthusian in approach IPAT itself has been criticized because it does not account for interactions among the terms e.

Although often depicted as being in opposition to Malthusianism, Malthus himself acknowledged that agricultural output increases with increasing population density just not fast enoughand Boserup acknowledged that there are situations under which intensification might not take place Cornucopian theories espoused by some neoclassical economists stand in sharper contrast to neo-Malthunisianism because they posit that human ingenuity through the increased the supply of more creative people and market substitution as certain resources become scarce will avert future resource crises In this line of thinking, market failures and inappropriate technologies are more responsible for environmental degradation than population size or growth, and natural resources can be substituted by man-made ones.

Environmental and natural resource implications of sustainable urban infrastructure systems

Political ecology also frequently informs the population-environment literature Many political ecologists see population and environment as linked only insofar as they have a common root cause, e. Whatever the impact of the migrant on the rainforest, it is merely a symptom of more deeply rooted imbalances. A number of theories—often subscribed to by demographers—state that population is one of a number of variables that affect the environment and that rapid population growth simply exacerbates other conditions such as bad governance, civil conflict, wars, polluting technologies, or distortionary policies.

We developed a baseline model for each city considering gross domestic product, population density, and climate conditions.

Then, we overlaid three scenarios on top of the baseline model: This analysis suggests that resource-efficient urban infrastructure and decarbonization of electricity coupled with strategic densification have a potential to mitigate resources and environmental footprints of growing cities.

relationship between population resources and infrastructure

Export citation and abstract Original content from this work may be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3. Any further distribution of this work must maintain attribution to the author s and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI. Introduction As global urban population continues to grow, cities face the challenge of reducing the environmental and natural resource footprints while providing essential services to their populations.

Addressing these challenges means drastically reducing the urban resource consumption through resource efficiency Swilling et al Among others, the urban infrastructure or more broadly socio-technical systems that provide key services like passenger transportation, the provision of commercial space, and thermal comfort are the major conduits through which natural resources are consumed and environmental impacts are materialized.

While cities must develop individual strategies to develop economically and socially, the effectiveness of these strategies will also be influenced by regional and global changes. Meeting these goals requires a substantial shift in the ways electricity is generated and the ways energy is used to provide the key services on which civilization relies.

This transition requires investments in renewable and low-carbon electricity infrastructure combined with the infrastructure that enables more efficient use of energy, including energy-efficient buildings, alternative fuel vehicles and public transportation systems. This technological transition is expected to bring about changes in environmental impacts as well as consumption of natural resources like metals, land and water Hertwich et alSuh et al Furthermore, urban morphology and density significantly affect the choice and efficiency of socio-technical systems and, in turn, cities' environmental and resource footprints.

Thus, it is crucial to understand the combined effect of city-level socio-technical strategies and strategic densification for resource efficiency and regional transitions to a low-carbon economy.

While it is obvious that aggressive deployment of more resource-efficient socio-technical systems, decarbonization of electricity, and changes in urban morphology through strategic densification, which, collectively, are referred to 'resource-efficient urban transformation' in this paper, would reduce cities' environmental and resource footprints, a systematic quantification of such potential at a global scale has been lacking.

One of the challenges in measuring the potential of resource efficient urban transformation at a global level is the fact that every city is unique; demographic, socio-economic, and their trajectories, as well as the geo-climatic conditions are different city by city.

These parameters are important in shaping the scale of demand on and the choice of cities' socio-technical systems, and therefore a simple extrapolation based on a few cities will not provide a sufficient basis for understanding the global potential of resource-efficient urban transformation.